Alan Kyeremanten has said he is speaking to Kennedy Agyapong about leaving the New Patriotic Party (NPP) and joining his political movement, while praising President John Dramani Mahama for his ability to build a strong and loyal political support base.
The comments form part of a broader analysis of Ghana’s contemporary political dynamics, including changing party loyalties, political realignment, infrastructure financing, governance and the management of national resources.
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On political realignment, the analysis notes Mr Kyeremanten’s transition towards an independent candidacy and the formation of a new political movement.
It also points to discussions around a possible “amalgamation” or alliance involving figures such as Kennedy Agyapong, suggesting that such a development could bring together different political interests.
The analysis references the roots of the “United Party” identity, suggesting a desire to return to a broader and more inclusive political base.
Mr Kyeremanten’s departure from his former party is framed as a strategic move, with the analysis suggesting that “a blow that is inevitably yours must be received earlier to prevent torrential hostilities.”
The discussion also examines the debate surrounding the 2.1 million people who reportedly did not vote.
Some stakeholders have described the 2.1 million figure as “propaganda”, suggesting that the actual number of disaffected voters could be closer to 100,000.
The analysis challenges the assumption that everyone who voted for the NPP in 2020 was a committed party member, arguing that a significant portion of the electorate is fluid and not tied to “blind loyalty.”
On leadership, the analysis praises President Mahama for building a core group of loyalists “from the trenches” who have remained with him for years.
President Mahama’s leadership style is presented as one that has succeeded in developing a stable political support base, with “blind loyalty” identified as both a source of consistency and a potential point of friction.
The analysis contrasts this with political leaders who have failed to build robust institutions and develop people, arguing that relying on transient political structures can weaken political organisations.
It further argues that education and intellectual ability alone are insufficient in politics, as political events and circumstances can “catapult” individuals into leadership positions they may not originally have sought.
A South African political parallel involving Nelson Mandela is cited to illustrate how changing external circumstances can reshape political leadership.
The analysis concludes that political dynamics change with “times and events and seasons” and that veteran political figures must recognise when their season has passed and make way for new leadership structures.
The discussion also considers the economic and infrastructure implications of Ghana’s development choices.
The government’s “Big Push” infrastructure initiative is described as an intentional effort to expand the national road network, although the financing of a major $4 billion expressway project is criticised.
The analysis proposes a 20-year Build, Operate, and Transfer (BOT) model as an alternative, under which the private sector would finance, build and operate the infrastructure before transferring it to the state after recovering its investment.
It argues that such projects can “pay for themselves” through private-sector financing and that direct government financing of $4 billion represents an opportunity cost because the resources could instead be deployed to other national priorities.
The analysis also compares the estimated cost of the Free Senior High School (SHS) programme with losses attributed to corruption.
It estimates that corruption has cost the economy $30 billion over the past 10 years, while the Free SHS programme has cost approximately $20 billion and educated nearly five million citizens over the same period.
The document lists an estimated average annual loss attributed to corruption of $3 billion.
It argues that the figures point to a problem of prudence and prioritisation rather than an absolute lack of resources, noting that corruption losses exceed the cost of Free SHS by $10 billion.
Overall, the analysis presents Ghana’s political landscape as one undergoing significant realignment, with changing party loyalties, potential alliances and new political movements emerging alongside debates over leadership, institutional building, infrastructure financing and the management of national resources.
