The New Patriotic Party (NPP), once buoyed by the mandate of 2016 and the renewal of 2020, now stands at its most vulnerable moment in decades. The defeat in the 2024 general elections was not merely electoral—it was existential. For a party that has long claimed the mantle of liberal economic stewardship and democratic resilience, the silence after the fall has been telling. But is a direction emerging out of the loud silence? The party’s decision to hold its presidential primaries on January 31, 2026, has kickstarted the compass reset, or has it missed steps in reconciliatory efforts and following due process in the party’s constitution
According to a faction of party faithful, to dismiss the primaries as premature is to ignore the ambitious restructuring already underway. The NPP is poised to elect 317,000+ grassroots officers, including over 286,000 polling station executives and 31,000 electoral area executives. These elections, for the first time, will constitute about 95% of the presidential primary delegate pool. The proposed constitutional reforms to be voted on at the July 19, 2025 Delegates Conference will expand the pool further by including:
- All card-bearing ministers since 2001
- All MPs (past and present)
- All MMDCEs since 1997
- All party executives at constituency, regional, national, and external branches since 1992
Ghanaian political strategist and leading figure of the NPP, Nana Akomea, has added that: “The party will never close ranks in unity until the flagbearer election is over.”
But the likes of other leading figures like Hon. Patrick Boamah (MP, Okaikwei Central) speaking on Channel 1’s Point of View broadcast on June 23, 2025, disagreed, highlighting systemic inefficiencies in the decision process to hold an early primary as announced by the General Secretary, Justin Kodua Frimpong. He stated that Article 19 of the NPP Constitution provides that no amendment to the constitution shall be made unless “The General Secretary has circulated the proposed amendment to every Regional and Constituency office at least one 1 month before the National annual Delegates Conference.”
Upon receipt of the proposed amendment, the Constituency and Regional offices are mandated at their annual delegates’ conferences to “Pass any resolution or make recommendations for consideration by the Regional and National Annual Delegates Conference, respectively.”
The Regional Executive Committee is mandated by Article 9(28) of the NPP Constitution to submit a report thereon within two weeks to the National Executive Committee on their proceedings of the Regional Annual Delegates Conference. As of the end of June 2025, no such regional conferences had taken place.
According to Hon. Boamah (MP), the minority caucus, who will be affected by the proposed changes in the delegate structure during their parliamentary primaries, are yet to see the Ocquaye Report (2024/5), alleged to have contained such propositions for reforms and amendments. Likewise, the circular that should contain the proposed constitutional amendment is yet to be received at his constituency, where he is an officer.
With an indisposed chairman and inactive vice chairpersons, the NPP claims the early primaries will provide a clearer runway for candidates to engage the reconfigured base. But first things must come first. Although the Constitution allows that the National Council may vary the date of the Presidential primaries, the latest it could be held for the 2028 general elections is December 6, 2026. Unless 24 months is not enough to form a campaign team that can travel across the length and breadth of the country to rally support, or the 6 months after the July 19, 2025 National Annual Delegates Conference is an ample time period to conduct the polling station, electoral area, constituency, regional, and national executives’ elections. Clearly, this kind of scheduled arrangement will be overwhelming for the party.
Sidestepping critical party constitutional provisions in the name of structural recalibration, fusing institutional memory with grassroots resurgence in ways that redefine how power is accessed and shared within the NPP is a zero-sum game. This may not be how to win Election 2028, especially not against the backdrop of the current momentum of the NDC government. There should be transparency and adherence to due process in implementing the recommendation of the Ocquaye Report. Where actions conflict with constitutional provisions, there should be broader consultations with parties and stakeholders for general agreement, ownership, and technical grounds for implementation.
Recommendations
To chart a credible path toward renewal and electoral viability, the NPP must urgently anchor its restructuring efforts in constitutional fidelity and inclusive consultation. This includes transparently circulating proposed amendments, convening regional and constituency conferences per Article 19, and disclosing key documents like the Ocquaye Report to all relevant stakeholders.
Without a clear, participatory, and legally grounded process, attempts at grassroots empowerment may be perceived as elite-driven recalibration, deepening internal fractures rather than healing them. The party’s quest for unity and reinvention must start with process integrity, not procedural shortcuts—only then can it credibly rebuild from rupture.
*IMANI’s Criticality Analysis of Governance and Economic Issues-June 23-27, 2025
